NEWSLETTER Anno 5, n. 13 - 4 ottobre 2007

["Circolo Africa - Ancona" <segreteria at circoloafrica.org>]

NEWSLETTER DEL CENTRO DI DOCUMENTAZIONE E RICERCA PER LA CITTADINANZA ATTIVA

Anno 5, n. 13-  04 ottobre 2007

A cura di Gabriele Sospiro
Con la collaborazione di: 
Gabriele Sospiro (GS)
Paolo Sospiro (PS)
Jiske van Loon (JvL)
Bengu Bayram (BB)
Tobias Gehring (TG)
Dora Ioannou (DI)

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INDICE 
1.   CORSO ONLINE
2.   ATTIVITÀ DEL CENTRO
3.   PRESENTAZIONI AL CIRCOLO AFRICA
4.   THE HELL IN GREECE – FIRE!!!!!!!!!
5.   EAST GERMANY – NO PLACE FOR FOREIGNERS?
6.   FESTIVAL PER L’ECONOMIA INTERCULTURALE
7.   NOTTE NERA A FANO


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1. CORSO ONLINE
**********************
Con l’inizio dell’autunno il Circolo Africa in collaborazione con
l’Università di Macerata organizzerà due corsi online su immigrazione e
cooperazione internazionale. Struttura del corso, modalità di valutazione e
certificati post corso sono ancora in fase di organizzazione. 
Per eventuali
informazione inviare una mail a 
segreteria at circoloafrica.org con oggetto: CORSO ONLINE IMMIGRAZIONE oppure
COOPERAZIONE INTERNAZIONALE

************************
2. ATTIVITÀ DEL CENTRO
************************
Il Centro di Documentazione e Ricerca per la Cittadinanza Attiva è aperto il
Martedì e Giovedì dalle 10 alle 13.00 e dalle 15.00 alle 18.00. Se avete
libri da proporre così che noi possiamo acquistarli fatecelo sapere! Se
state facendo una tesi di laurea o ricerche sull'immigrazione, sull'economia
politica, o su temi riguardanti il terzo settore, etc. presso il nostro
Centro potete ottenere informazioni ad hoc previa prenotazione telefonica.
Per contatti ed eventuali prenotazioni 071/2072585

**************************************************
3. PRESENTAZIONI AL CIRCOLO
**************************************************
Nelle prossime settimane, presso il circolo culturale africa si terranno
delle presentazioni organizzate e presentate dai volontari europei. 

PROGRAMMA:

MARTEDI, il 09.10.2007alle ore 18:00
Turkish immigrants in Germany
The presentation will be focussed on four main points, which are the history
of Turkish immigration to Germany, the immigrants’ influence on German
culture, the German view onto the Turkish and the status of the immigrants’
integration into the German society.
The first view will include a historical overview as well as information
about the recent development in the 21st century. The Turkish influence will
be exemplified for three categories, which are religion, language and food.
The third part mainly deals with the view onto Turkish immigrants, but also
gives information about how German people see Turkish who aren’t immigrants
and a short summary about the “cultural glasses” concept. The fourth section
will evaluate the immigrants’ will to integrate and will show why the German
education system is an obstacle to this and which dangers the situation
contains.  
Tobias Gehring (Germany)

MARTEDI, il 09.10.2007 alle ore 17:00
Actual situation of immigrants in Turkey
Bengü Bayram, our Turkish volunteer will provide a presentation of the
immigrants in Turkey, the history of migration, which immigrant groups live
in Turkey, and about the illegal immigrants in Turkey, their life, the
problems they face, the new procedures of the Turkish government against the
immigrant status.

MARTEDI, il 16.10.2007 alle ore 17:00
Youth in Action Programme and the Results of the TC on Quality in EVS
projects
Lena Alex, volontaria SVE proveniente dalla Germania presenterà il nuovo
programma gioventù in azione e parlerà i progetti svolti ed i risultati
raggiunti da parte del Circolo con le diverse azioni finanziate dall’UE. Poi
parlerà dei risultati del training course in Ungheria an quale ha
partecipato una settimana fa e che trattava il tema della qualità dei
progetti di SVE. La presentazione sarà in inglese.

MARTEDI, il 23.10.2007 alle ore 17:00
Presentazione dei risultati della ricerca sull’integrazione della seconda
generazione dei migranti nelle Marche.
Gabriele Sospiro

MARTEDI, il 30.10.2007
Il ruolo dei migranti nello sviluppo dei paesi di origine: il caso dei
tunisini.
La ricerca si propone di individuare le variabili che incidono nella
decisione, da parte dei migranti, ad investire o trasferire denaro verso il
paese di origine ed in particolare ai parenti in Patria.
Paolo Sospiro

Vi aspettiamo!!!

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4. THE HELL IN GREECE – FIRE!!!!!!!!!
**************************************************

The last week of August, there were the biggest destructions in the history
of Greece.
Western and Southern Peloponnese, Southern Evia, but also certain suburbs of
Athens were completely destroyed by fires. Sixty-five persons lost their
lives (a mum died in the fires  with her four underage children, reminding
scenic of middle age tragedy), even now, enough are ignored, villages
disappeared from the map and millions acres of forestall and rural ground
were altered in ashes.

However, no one, not even those that make politics above in the coffins and
in the ashes of fires, cannot claim that the phenomenon of such a big number
of fires in the particular time interval, in the particular geographic
region is accidental. There exists in deed also action, as the telephone
calls in the Fire Brigade for supposed fires in various points of Attica,
that caused the split of fire fighting force. The perpetrators of calls were
professionals in the secret action, after, according to information, they
did not leave traces that could lead to their localisation.

Fortunately, I personally did not have a problem with the fires, however, I
had distress, my heart was hurt when I saw Peloponnese being burned as a
candle …what can you say to the people who lose everything in one night.
Unfortunately, the number of deads reached the 65. 

Beyond the loss of (very many) human lives, the destruction that the
arsonists caused will have long-term consequences, that will begin to appear
in-depth time. The annihilation of forests will cause general increase of
temperature, floods of winter, erosion of ground and landslips. Moreover,
the destroyed regions will be marked by rapid increase of unemployment,
enormous internal immigration of local population in Athens or in other big
cities, while entire Greece suffers from general fall of rural production,
because these regions were important producers of vegetables, fruits and,
mainly, olive oil.
Indubitably, therefore it is a enormous crime.
A crime however that does not appear to be also so much... involuntary. The
roughly 290 hearths of fire that burst out in Peloponnese and Evia refer
straightly in an organised drawing of arson. 

Who put 290 hearths of fire? Old women and old of 70-80 years that were
conceived by the official Greek beginning? What happens therefore? Who can
have an interest to become ash hundreds thousands acres of Greek forestall
extents? This or those that would acquire also the biggest possible profit
from a such complete destruction?
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
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I KOLASI STIN ELLADA-PURKAGIES!!!
Tin teleutaia bdomada tou Augoustou i Ellada ipesti mia apo tis pio
apotropistikes katastrofes stin istoria tis.
I Ditiki kai i Notia Peloponnisis, i Notia Euoia, alla kai orismena proastia
tis Athinas, katastrafikan olosxeros apo pirkagies.Eksinta pente anthropoi
exasan tin zoi tous (mia mana apanthrakothike mazi me ta tessera anilina
paidia tis ,thinizontas skiniko arxaias tragwdias), arketoi akoma kai twra
agnoountai,xwria eksafanistikan apo to xarti kai ekatommiria stremata
dasikis kai agrotikis gis metablithikan se staxtes.
Omws, kanenas, oute akoma kai autoi pou kanoun politiki pano sta feretra kai
stis staxtes twn pirkagiwn den mporei na isxuristei oti to fainomeno toso
megalou arithmou purkagiwn to sugkekrimeno xroniko diastima , stin
sigkekrimeni gewgrafiki periodi einai tuxaio.Yparxoun malista kai praksis,
opws oi tilefwnikes kliseis stin purosbestiki upiresia gia upotithemenes
purkagies se diafora simeia tis Attikis, pou prokalesan ti diastasi tis
purosbestikis dinamis. Oi drastes twn tilefwnimatwn itan epaggelmaties sti
mustiki drasi, afou , sumfwna me plirofories, den afisan ixni pou tha
mporousan na odigisoun ston entopismo tous.
Eutuxws den eixa prwsapika problima me tis fwties, wstoso eixa agwnia,
pligwthike i kardia mou na blepo na kaigetai san lampada i Peloponnisos.
Ti na peis s’autous tous anthrwpous. Den to xoraei anthrwpinos nous na
xaneis ta panta se mia nuxta.
Dustixws o arithmos twn nekrwn eftase tous 65.
Peran apo tin apwleia anthropinwn zwwn, i katastrofi pou prokalesan oi
empristes tha exei makroprothesmes sunepeies, pou tha arxisoun na fainontai
se bathos xronou. O afanismos twn daswn tha prokalesei geniki auksisi tis
thermokrasias, plimmures to xeimwna , diabrwsi tou edafous kai
katolisthiseis. Epipleon oi katestrammenes perioxes tha simadeutoun apo
ragdaia auksisi tis anergias , terastia eswteriki metanasteusi tou ntopiou
plithismou stin Athina i se alles megales poleis, enw olokliri i ellada tha
upostei geniki ptwsi tis agrotikis paragwgis, kathws oi perioxes eutes itan
simantikes paragwgoi laxanikwn, froutwn kai, kuriws elaioladou.
Anamfibola  loipon prokeitai gia ena terastio egklima.

Ena egklima pou den fenete na einai kai toso… akousio. Oi peripou 290 fwties
pou ksespasan se Peloponniso kai Euia, parapempoun euthews se ena organwmeno
sxedio emprismou.
Poios ebale 290 esties fwtias? Gries kai geroi 70-80 xronwn pou
sunelifthisan apo is episimes ellinikes arxes?
Ti sumbainei loipon? Poios i poioi mporei na eixan  sumferon na ginoun
staxti ekatontades xiliades stremata ellinikwn dasikwn ektasewn?
Mipws autos i autoi pou tha apokomizan kai to megisto dunato ofelos apo mia
tetoia olosxeri katastrofi?
(DI)


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5. EASTERN GERMANY – NO PLACE FOR FOREIGNERS?
**************************************************
On this year's 3rd of October, Germany celebrates 17 years of union. But
although the country’s division in FRG and GDR is over for such a long time,
there are still many differences between the “old” and the “new” regions.
One is that the economical situation in east Germany is much worse than in
the west. Another one is that the former GDR has the image of being the
country’s more right-wing extremist part. But does the east deserve this
renown?

Additional information: German Union Day
Since 1991, the 3rd of October is national holiday of the Federal Republic
of Germany. The occasion is not the fall of the Berlin Wall (November 9,
1989), but the official reunion of the FRG and the GDR on October 3, 1990.
For this reason, the day is called German Union Day (germ. Tag der Deutschen
Einheit).
Right-wing extremism in west and east

In the five east German regions without Berlin (Brandenburg,
Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Saxony, Saxony-Anhalt and Thuringia), the proportion
of foreigners is with between 1.9 and 2.8% much lower than the German
average (8.8%) and lower than in every west-German region. However, the
annual amount of right-wing extremist crimes per 100,000 inhabitants is
highest in Saxony-Anhalt (4.29) and Brandenburg (3.78). While all east
German regions have a rate higher than 1.6, all west German regions with the
exception of Schleswig-Holstein (1.94) have a rate lower than 1.5.
Whereas the east is more hostile to foreigners than the west while having a
lower quota of foreigners, other potentially right-wing extremist attitudes
are more common within the western regions’ population. According to a study
by two scientists from Leipzig university, 16% in the west agree ”that Jews
work with “bad tricks” to achieve their aims” (6% in the east), and “more
than 9 percent of the western people, but five percent of the eastern people
think that historians exaggerate the NS crimes”, in other words: that
national-socialism hasn’t been as bad as it appears. On the other hand,
“almost 44% of the eastern people believe that foreigners only come to
Germany to take advantage of the social system – in the west, 35% are of
this opinion.”
The scientists come to a clear conclusion: “It appeared that right-wing
extremism is remarkably more spread in the west of Germany, where with 9.1%
every 11th person has a correspondent view on the world, than in the east,
where the quota is situated at 6.6%.”  To explain the extent of these
numbers: If all right-wing extremists had voted for the NPD in the 2005
election, the party would have had no problem to enter the parliament.
Right-wing extremists thus do not, as they claim, represent a “silent
majority”, but their views are spread amongst a remarkable part of society –
in western and in east Germany.
The NPD’s and DVU’s east German success

Although, as we saw, right-wing extremism is a problem of all German
regions, election successes of right-wing extremists parties within the last
decade  are limited to elections in east Germany. Only here, neo-Nazi
parties gained enough votes to enter the parliaments – the NPD in Saxony
(2002, 9.2%) and Mecklenburg-Vorpommern (2006, 7.3%), the DVU in Brandenburg
(1999, 5.3%, and 2004, 6.1%) and in Saxony-Anhalt (1998, 12.9%). And
according to topical polls, the NPD stabilizes at its high level in Saxony. 


If there are right-wing extremists in west and east Germany: Why are
right-wing extremist parties only successful in the eastern regions at the
moment?

Additional information: Right-wing extremist parties in Germany
The two main right-wing extremist parties are the NPD (Nationaldemokratische
Partei Deutschlands) and the DVU (Deutsche Volksunion). Some also see the
REP (Die Republikaner, not related to the US Republicans) as a right-wing
extremist party. In the public view, the NPD clearly dominates, since it is
the most radical and most active party and has already evoked several
uproars, also concerning the 3rd Reich. Topically, there is a discussion in
Germany whether one should start a new legal process to prohibit the NPD,
after the first process in 2001 failed for formal reasons.

- The heritage of the GDR
The fact that for 40 years, east Germany was an etatist de-facto
one-party-dictatorship  is reflected in today’s electoral comportment of the
population. For want of free choices between different parties, “no (…)
connection of the voters to a party developed as it can be observed in the
west, despite of erosion”, so that “also smaller parties could book
surprising triumphs every then and now” . Another difference between the FRD
and the GDR was that, while the FRD emphasized the memory of the NS era and
its crimes, the GDR claimed to be an anti-fascist state, but “a quarrel with
the collective guilt of the German people (…) didn’t need to exist in the
GDR”, “a memory of the holocaust was made impossible for long time”, and
though there were many official occasions dealing with fascism, they always
served the “purpose of the creation of a collective national identity” and
“left no room to a real confrontation with history”. 
The long-term absence of democratic elections and the insufficient way of
dealing with the national-socialist history can have the effect that the
social taboo to vote for neo-Nazi parties is weaker in the east than it is
in the west. The NPD is thus a more eligible option than in the west, and
the relatively weak connections between a voter and “his” party lead to more
people making use also of this option, especially, since the NPD covers
behind the mask of being a normal party who cares for the ordinary people
and their needs. This is also the view of the east German journalist Toralf
Staud, who says: “In west German communities, there is the imperturbable
conviction: What the NPD propagates, doesn’t befit, you have to engage
against this. People with that attitude can be met much more rarely in the
east.” 
- Inner-German migration and the typical NPD voter
An analysis of the 2006 Mecklenburg-Vorpommern election drew the following
image of the typical NPD voter: he is male, below 30 and has received a bad
or mediocre scholar education and is often unemployed. 
Due to an inner-German migration from the east to the west, the relative
amount of people to which this description fits increases in eastern
Germany. For those who leave the east are often young women, and the better
educated, the more flexible they usually are, also in choosing where to
live, which is furthermore equally true for men. According to Greifswald
University, pro 100 men between 18 and 29, there were 86.5 women.  And the
more women and well-educated leave the east, the higher becomes the rate of
the old – and of the young, not well-educated male. “The young men don’t
find a partner any more, their frustration increases and the tendency
towards right-wing radicalism increases with the frustration.” 
On the opposite, the more women and well-educated come the west, the smaller
becomes the proportion of typical NPD voters there.
- The left-wing party Die Linke – no party for east-German protest voters 
If a west German voter wants to protest against the policy of the
established parties, he can chose between a protest vote on the left, in
which case he’ll vote for Die Linke, and a protest vote on the right, which
leads to voting for the NPD (of course, not everyone voting for Die Linke or
NPD is a protest voter). In eastern Germany, Die Linke is an established
party, regularly achieves results of 20%+x and is / was member of
governments. Since there is no remarkable party on the left of Die Linke,
east German protest voters’ only choice is a vote for the right-wing
extremists.

i all quotations until here are taken from: Berliner Zeitung,
berlin-online.de, 27. 09. 2007
ii in the 1960s, the NPD was elected into the parliaments of Hesse, Bavaria,
Bremen, Rhineland-Palatinate, Lower Saxony and Schleswig-Holstein, and
achieved 4.3% in the German 1969 election; in 1991 and 1992, the DVU gained
6% in Bremen and Schleswig-Holstein
iii a poll by the Forsa institute sees the NPD in Saxony at 9%; see e.g. Der
Spiegel, spiegel.de, 06. 09. 2007
iv Other parties than the SED formally existed, but the exclusive rule of
the SED was prescribed
v Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, bpb.de, 20. 09. 2006
vi D-A-S-H, d-a-s-h.org, 22. 05. 2005
vii Toralf Staud, tagesschau.de, 19. 06. 2006
viii Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, bpb.de, 20. 09. 2006
ix Der Spiegel, spiegel.de, 27. 08. 2005
x Hans Böckler Stiftung, boeckler-boxen.de, 01. 07. 2007
xi This section is only valid for elections on the regional level; on the
national level, also protest voters from east Germany can express their
protest by a vote for Die Linke
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
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OSTDEUTSCHLAND – KEIN ORT FUER FREMDE?

Am 3. Oktober diesen Jahres feiert Deutschland 17 Jahre der Einheit. Obwohl
jedoch die Teilung des Landes in BRD und DDR seit so langer Zeit vorbei ist,
gibt es noch viele Unterschiede zwischen den alten und den neuen
Bundesländern. Einer ist, dass die wirtschaftliche Lage in Ostdeutschland
viel schlechter als im Westen ist. Ein anderer ist, dass die frühere DDR das
Image hat, der rechtsextremere Teil des Landes zu sein. Aber verdient der
Osten diesen Ruf?

Zusatzinformation: der Tag der Deutschen Einheit
Seit 1991 ist der 3. Oktober Nationalfeiertag der Bundesrepublik
Deutschland. Der Anlass ist nicht der Fall der Berliner Mauer (9. November
1989), sondern die offizielle Wiedervereinigung von BRD und DDR am 3.
Oktober 1990. Aus diesem Grund wird der Tag Tag der Deutschen Einheit
genannt.

Rechtsextremismus in West und Ost

In den fünf ostdeutschen Bundesländern außer Berlin (Brandenburg,
Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Sachsen, Sachsen-Anhalt und Thüringen) liegt der
Ausländeranteil mit 1,9 bis 2,8% viel niedriger als der deutsche
Durchschnitt (8,8%) und niedriger als in jedem westdeutschen Bundesland.
Dennoch ist die jährliche Anzahl rechtsextremer Straftaten pro 100.000
Einwohner in Sachsen-Anhalt (4,29) und Brandenburg (3,78) am höchsten.
Während alle ostdeutschen Länder eine Rate höher als 1,6 aufweisen, haben
mit Ausnahme Schleswig-Holsteins alle westdeutschen eine niedrige Rate als
1,5.
Wohingegen der Osten fremdenfeindlicher als der Westen ist und gleichzeitig
einen niedrigeren Ausländeranteil hat, sind andere potenziell rechtsextreme
Ansichten unter der Bevölkerung der westlichen Bundesländer viel
verbreiteter. Laut einer Studie zweier Wissenschaftler der Universität
Leipzig stimmen im Westen 16% zu, „dass Juden mit „üblen Tricks“ arbeiten,
um ihre Ziele zu erreichen“ (6% im Osten), und „mehr als 9 Prozent der
Westler, aber fünf Prozent der Ostler denken, die Geschichtsschreibung
übertreibe die NS-Verbrechen“, in anderen Worten: dass der
Nationalsozialismus nicht so schlecht war, wie es scheint. Andererseits
„glauben fast 44% der Ostler, dass Ausländer nur nach Deutschland kämen, um
den Sozialstaat auszunutzen – im Westen sind 35% dieser Meinung.“
Die Wissenschaftler gelangen zu einer klaren Schlussfolgerung: „Es stellte
sich heraus, dass Rechtsextremismus im Westen Deutschlands bedeutend
verbreiteter ist, wo mit 9,1% jede elfte Person ein entsprechendes Weltbild
hat, als im Osten, wo der Anteil bei 6,6% liegt.“  Um das Ausmaß dieser
Zahlen zu verdeutlichen: Wenn alle Rechtsextremen bei der Bundestagswahl
2005 die NPD gewählt hätten, hätte die Partei keine Probleme gehabt, ins
Parlament einzuziehen. Rechtsextreme repräsentieren daher nicht, wie sie
behaupten, eine „schweigende Mehrheit“, aber ihre Ansichten sind in einem
merklichen Teil der Bevölkerung verbreitet – in West- wie in Ostdeutschland.

Der ostdeutsche Erfolg von NPD und DVU

Obwohl, wie wir sahen, Rechtsextremismus ein Problem aller Regionen
Deutschlands, begrenzen sich Wahlerfolge rechtsextremer Parteien im letzten
Jahrzehnt  auf Ostdeutschland. Nur hier gewannen Neonaziparteien genug
Stimmen, um in die Landtage einzuziehen – die NPD in Sachsen (2002, 9,2%)
und Mecklenburg-Vorpommern (2006, 7,3%), die DVU in Brandenburg (1999, 5,3%,
und 2004, 6,1%) und in Sachsen-Anhalt (1998, 12,9%). Und laut Umfragen
stabilisiert die NPD ihr hohes Ergebnis in Sachsen. 
Wenn es in West- und Ostdeutschland Rechtsextreme gibt: Warum sind die
rechtsextremen Parteien zur Zeit nur in ostdeutschen Ländern erfolgreich?

Zusatzinformation: Rechtsextreme Parteien in Deutschland
Die zwei bedeutendsten rechtsextremen Parteien sind die NPD
(Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands) und die DVU (Deutsche
Volksunion). 
Manche sehen auch die REP (Die Republikaner, kein Bezug zu den
US-Republikanern) als eine rechtsextreme Partei. In der öffentlichen
Wahrnehmung dominiert klar die NPD, da sie die radikalste und aktivste
Partei ist und bereits für einige Eklats gesorgt hat, auch im Zusammenhang
mit dem dritten Reich. Zurzeit gibt es in Deutschland eine Diskussion, ob
man ein neues NPD-Verbotsverfahren beginnen sollte, nachdem das erste
Verfahren 2001 aus formellen Gründen scheiterte.

- Das Erbe der DDR
Die Tatsache, dass Ostdeutschland 40 Jahre lang eine etatistische
De-facto-Einparteiendiktatur  war, schlägt sich im heutigen Wahlverhalten
der Bevölkerung nieder. Mangels freier Wahl zwischen verschieden Parteien
„entwickelte sich (…) keine Parteibindung der Wähler, wie sie trotz Erosion
im Westen sichtbar ist“, sodass „auch kleinere Parteien (…) hin und wieder
überraschende Erfolge verbuchen (konnten)“ . Ein weiterer Unterschied
zwischen der BRD und der DDR war, dass, während die BRD die Erinnerung an
die NS-Zeit und ihre Verbrechen betonte, die DDR beanspruchte, ein
antifaschistischer Staat zu sein, aber „eine Auseinandersetzung mit der
Kollektivschuld der Deutschen (…) brauchte es in der DDR nicht zu geben“,
„eine Erinnerung an den Holocaust wurde lange Zeit unmöglich gemacht“, und
obgleich es viele offizielle Anlässe zur Beschäftigung mit dem Faschismus
gab, dienten sie doch immer dem „Zweck der Erschaffung einer kollektiven
nationalen Identität“ und „ließ keinen Raum für eine wirkliche Konfrontation
mit der Geschichte.“ 
Die lange Abwesenheit demokratischer Wahlen und die ungenügende Art der
Beschäftigung mit der nationalsozialistischen Geschichte können bewirken,
dass das gesellschaftliche Tabu, Neonaziparteien zu wählen, im Osten
schwächer ist als im Westen. Daher ist die NPD eine wählbarere Alternative
als im Westen, und die recht schwachen Bindungen zwischen einem Wähler und
„seiner“ Partei führen dazu, dass mehr Leute Gebrauch von dieser Option
machen, besonders, seitdem sich die NPD hinter der Maske versteckt, eine
normale Partei zu sein, die sich um die gewöhnlichen Leute und ihre
Bedürfnisse sorgt. Dies ist auch die Meinung des ostdeutschen Journalisten
Toralf Staud, der sagt: „In westdeutschen Kommunen gibt es in weiten Teilen
der Bevölkerung die unerschütterbare Überzeigung: Was die NPD propagiert,
gehört sich nicht, dagegen muss man sich engagieren. Leute mit einer solchen
Einstellung sind im Osten deutlich seltener anzutreffen.“ 
- Innerdeutsche Migration und der typische NPD-Wähler
Eine Analyse der Wahl in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern 2006 zeichnete das folgende
Bild des typischen NPD-Wählers: Er ist männlich, unter 30, verfügt über eine
schlechte oder durchschnittliche Schulbildung und ist oft arbeitslos. 
Aufgrund einer innerdeutschen Migration vom Osten in den Westen steigt die
relative Menge derer, auf die diese Beschreibung zutrifft, in
Ostdeutschland. Denn diejenigen, die den Osten verlassen, sind oft junge
Frauen, und je besser gebildet, desto flexibler sind sie für gewöhnlich,
auch in der Wahl ihres Wohnorts – und überdies gilt all dies genauso für
Männer.
Laut der Universität Greifswald kommen auf 100 Männer zwischen 18 und 29
86,5 Frauen.  Und je mehr Frauen und Gebildete den Osten verlassen, desto
höher steigt der Anteil der Alten – und der jungen, nicht gut gebildeten
Männer. „Die jungen Männer finden keine Partnerin mehr, ihre Frustration
steigt und mit der Frustration steigt die Tendenz zum Rechtsradikalismus.“ 
Im Gegensatz dazu wird im Westen der Anteil der typischen NPD-Wähler immer
kleiner, je mehr Frauen und Gebildete in den Westen kommen.
- Die Linke – keine Partei für ostdeutsche Protestwähler 
Wenn ein westdeutscher Wähler gegen die Politik der etablierten Parteien
protestieren möchte, kann er zwischen einem linken Protest, in welchem Fall
er für Die Linke stimmen wird, und einem rechten Protest wählen, was dazu
führt, die NPD zu wählen (natürlich ist nicht jeder, der für Die Linke oder
die NPD stimmt, ein Protestwähler). In Ostdeutschland ist Die Linke eine
etablierte Partei, erreicht regelmaessig Ergebnisse von 20%+x und ist bzw.
war an Regierungen beteiligt. Da es keine bemerkenswerte Partei links der
Linken gibt, sind die Rechtsextremen die einzige Wahl ostdeutscher
Protestwähler.

i alle Zitate bis hier stammen aus: Berliner Zeitung, berlin-online.de, 27.
09. 2007
ii in den 60er Jahren wurde die NPD in die Landtage von Hessen, Bremen,
Bayern, Rheinland-Pfalz, Niedersachsen und Schleswig-Holstein gewählt und
erreichte 4,3% bei der Bundestagswahl 1969. 1991 und 1992 gewann die DVU 6%
in Bremen und Schleswig-Holstein 


iii eine Umfrage des Forsa-Instituts sieht die NPD in Sachsen bei 9%, siehe
z. B. Der Spiegel, spiegel.de, 06.09.2007
iv andere Parteien als die SED existierten formal, allerdings war die
Herrschaft der SED vorgeschrieben
v Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, bpb.de, 20. 09. 2006
vi D-A-S-H, d-a-s-h.org, 22. 05. 2005
vii Toralf Staud, tagesschau.de, 19. 06. 2006
viii Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, bpb.de, 20. 09. 2006
ix Der Spiegel, spiegel.de, 27. 08. 2005
x Hans Böckler Stiftung, boeckler-boxen.de, 01. 07. 2007
xi Dieser Abschnitt gilt nur für Landtagswahlen, auf nationaler Ebene können
auch ostdeutsche Protestwähler ihren Protest durch eine Stimme für Die Linke
ausdrücken

 
(TG)

*****************************************************
6. FESTIVAL PER L’ECONOMIA INTERCULTURALE
******************************************************
Dal 12 al 20 ottobre 2007, in contemporanea a Milano, Torino, Biella,
Cossato, si terrà il Festival per l’economia interculturale.

In occasione dell'anno europeo delle pari opportunità per tutti (2007) e in
vista dell'anno europeo del dialogo interculturale (2008), si tiene  la
prima edizione di una manifestazione interamente gratuita e dedicata
all'economia interculturale. 

Il festival intende proporsi come appuntamento annuale e contribuire a
generare studi, ricerche, progetti, servizi e prodotti di accoglienza e di
integrazione.

Il festival si svilupperà nelle seguenti aree tematiche :

welcomebank  idee, progetti e prodotti per l'integrazione bancaria dei
migranti
etnica.lab il laboratorio della nuova economia
etnica.biz la fiera delle imprese migranti e interculturali
biella 2.0 la fiera del distretto creativo
extra parole, suoni e giochi
crossfood pensieri, profumi e sapori

e lungo due itinerari consigliati:
primo itinerario economia, imprenditoria, finanza e marketing
secondo itinerario creatività, musica, teatro, poesia,  gioco e gusto
Per scaricare il programma Clicca qui 

************************************
7. NOTTE NERA A FANO
************************************

Sabato 6 ottobre, presso i giardini ex Luigi Rossi di Fano si terrà la Notte
Nera, evento conclusivo della Settimana Africana Regionale, organizzato
dall’associazione L’Africa Chiama Onlus.

Dalle ore 19 fino a tarda notte sono previsti concerti dal vivo, teatro,
giocoleria e jam sessions.

Sarà presente un bar e un punto ristoro con gastronomia italiana e africana

Per informazioni e per la locandina dell’evento:
http://www.lafricachiama.org 



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